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The House Committee on Energy and Commerce
Subcommittee on Health
March 20, 2003
10:00 AM
2322 Rayburn House Office Building
Thank you, Chairman Tauzin and distinguished
members of the Health subcommittee. I am a senior research scientist at the
Harvard School of Public Health. For most of my professional career, I have not
been an academic. I have worked in less developed countries as a behavioral
science researcher and as designer and evaluator of public health programs. I
have worked extensively in Africa and other resource-poor parts of the world. A
good deal of my work has focused on reproductive health, some of this including
the social marketing of condoms and oral contraceptives.
In view of all the sad news we hear about AIDS,
especially in Africa, it is my pleasure to share some good news. There are
several bright spots in the world when it comes to AIDS. The brightest spot of
all may be Uganda, where infection rates have declined from 21% to 6% since 1991
[Fig. 1].

The Government of Uganda, led by President
Museveni, developed a distinctive approach to AIDS prevention known as the ABC
approach: Abstain, Be faithful, or use Condoms if A and B are not practiced. The
abstinence message for the most part took the form of urging youth to delay
having sex until they were older, and preferably married. Many of us in the AIDS
and public health communities didn't believe that abstinence or delay, and
faithfulness, were realistic goals. It now seems we were wrong.
Uganda's program began in 1986, the year
President Museveni became head of state. Since the rate of new infections began
to decline in the late 1980s, it becomes important to know what programs were in
place in the latter 1980s and what behaviors changed, in order to account for
the decline of infection rates. The standard programs we associate with AIDS
prevention were not in place in the 1980s.
We now know that there were significant changes
in sexual behavior between 1989 and 1995. And these were most pronounced among
youth, the very age group primarily targeted in AIDS education. And the
behaviors that changed the most were the ones emphasized in Uganda's AIDS
prevention efforts.
Let me share with you some World Health
Organization data we have on some key measures of sexual behavior.
The first pertains to premarital sex. The
proportion of young males age 15-24 reporting premarital sex decreased from 60%
in 1989 to 23% in 1995. For females, the decline was from 53% to 16%.
Next, looking at all age groups, 41% of males had
more than one sex partner in 1989. This declined to only 21% by 1995. For
females, the decline was from 23% to 9%. Furthermore, the proportion of males
reporting three or more sex partners fell from 15% to 3% between 1989 and 1995.
Now we can compare this with data on condom use.
In 1995, about 6% of sexually active Ugandans, used a condom with some
regularity, according to the US-funded Demographic and Health Survey. By 2000,
this rose to 11% of sexually active Ugandans, or 8% of all Ugandans. However
these low figures obscure the fact that condom use has become quite high among
those who need them most, namely those relatively few who are still having
multiple partners The ABC approach recognizes that some people cannot or will
not avoid risky sex, and so they need reduce their risk with condoms.
What prevention programs existed in the latter
1980s? There was a deliberate attempt to fight stigma and discrimination
associated with AIDS, and to generate open and candid discussion about the
epidemic everywhere, down to the village level. There was AIDS education in the
primary schools. The faith-based organizations were involved from the beginning
of the national response and they were particularly adept at promoting
abstinence and faithfulness.
The AIDS message was not soft-pedaled. People
were made to fear HIV infection, but not to fear people with AIDS. People were
also told clearly what to do to avoid infection.
The main lessons from Uganda are that: (1) sexual behavior can change; (2) a
comprehensive program of promoting abstinence, faithfulness and condom use for
nonregular partners can be implemented and this may lead to higher levels of all
three outcomes; 3) AIDS prevention programs benefit greatly from top-level
political commitment and involvement; 4) Condoms do play a role in risk
reduction, but focusing exclusively on condom use is not a panacea for HIV
prevention, especially in high prevalence, generalized epidemics as we find in
Africa.
It may be noted that condom user rates in Uganda
are not higher than those of other countries, as can be seen in Fig. 2.
Condom use with Last Non-Regular Partner
Never Married

Married

Where Uganda stands out is in its relatively low levels of multi-partner sex, as
seen in Fig. 3.
Sexual Partnerships with Non-regular Partners
Male

Female

These figures are from a USAID report of a September 2002 Technical Meeting on
"The ABC's of HIV Prevention" (USAID 2002).
Some in the West have expressed skepticism about
the ability of African women to abstain or be faithful, since women often have
little power to negotiate sex. Yet look at the data we have. By 1995, the great
majority of Ugandan women, 98.5%, were reporting either abstinence or no sex
partner outside their regular partners. Along with the ABC approach, the Ugandan
government took various steps to raise the status of women. One measure of the
success of these efforts comes from the Demographic and Health survey, which
asks women if they believe they have the power to refuse unwanted sex, or insist
upon condom use. Uganda ranked first among all African nations.
AIDS prevention is largely a behavioral problem
that requires a behavioral solution. I believe that AIDS prevention programs in
Africa and the developing world generally have become too focused on medical
technology and drugs, and not enough on behavior. Evidence from Uganda and some
other countries, show that when faced with a life-threatening danger, people can
and will modify their behavior, once they are given the right information, in
the right way. Uganda's ABC approach, especially as it was implemented in the
early years of that country's epidemic, has proven to be an effective model that
has worked in Africa and beyond. There are other countries that have implemented
ABC approaches, and they have also achieved measures of success: Senegal,
Zambia, Jamaica, and the Dominican Republic.
What are the implications for US policy, at least
in Africa? It must be acknowledged that program emphasis on condom provision and
promotion alone does not seem to have paid off. A 2003 UNAIDS review of condom
effectiveness (Hearst and Chen 2003) concluded, "There are no definite
examples yet of generalized epidemics that have been turned back by prevention
programs based primarily on condom promotion." Correct and consistent
condom use surely averts infections, but after many years of effort, most condom
use in Africa remains inconsistent. In the words of the UNAIDS review,
"There is little convincing evidence that inconsistent condom use provides
any protection." In fact, the countries in Africa which have the highest
levels of condom availability relative to male population (Zimbabwe, Botswana,
South Africa, Kenya) have some of the highest HIV prevalence rates in the world
[fig. 4].
|
Average
number of condoms per male 15-49 in African countries for which data are
available. Source: DKT
|
|
Country
|
Average
annual condoms 1989-2000
|
males
15-59 (in thous.) 1995
|
Average
annual condoms/male 15-59
|
HIV
Prevalence (%)
|
|
Benin
|
4,065,408
|
1,263
|
3
|
2.45
|
|
Botswana
|
2,436,232
|
356
|
7
|
36
|
|
Cameroon
|
10,378,900
|
3,280
|
3
|
8
|
|
Ghana
|
9,901,068
|
4,424
|
2
|
3.6
|
|
Kenya
|
42,391,034
|
6,666
|
6
|
14
|
|
Senegal
|
5,513,517
|
2,091
|
3
|
1
|
|
South Africa
|
76,284,892
|
11,645
|
7
|
20
|
|
Tanzania
|
27,217,215
|
7,603
|
4
|
16
|
|
Uganda
|
16,702,846
|
4,740
|
4
|
6
|
|
Zambia
|
12,131,695
|
2,280
|
5
|
20
|
|
Zimbabwe
|
29,149,405
|
2,826
|
10
|
25
|
I am not saying that the two are causally
connected, only that we probably need to be thinking of interventions in
addition to condom social marketing, since we do not yet see national-level
results in Africa. And I say this as someone who has worked in condom social
marketing. Meanwhile, evidence is accumulating that reduction in numbers of
sexual partners, which can result from abstinence and fidelity interventions,
can reduce national HIV prevalence levels.
So this is not to argue against a continuing role
for condoms. Rather it is to argue that the US should put some real efforts and
resources into promoting balanced ABC programs, especially in generalized
epidemics. Condoms in fact seem to have played a significant role in impacting
national HIV infection rates in countries like Thailand, where infection are
concentrated in high-risk groups. Yet even in Thailand, there was a significant
decline in premarital and extramarital sex in the general male population
shortly before Thailand's prevalence decline of the mid-1990s.
In sum, AIDS prevention works when done in the
right way. I hope a substantial proportion of the new funds for AIDS will be
allocated to effective prevention programs.
References:
Hearst, N., and S. Chen. (2003). Condoms for AIDS Prevention In The Developing
World: a Review Of The Scientific Literature. Geneva: UNAIDS.
USAID (2002). The "ABCs" of HIV
prevention: Report of a USAID technical meeting on behavior change approaches to
primary prevention of HIV/AIDS. Washington, D.C.: "ABC" Experts
Technical Meeting, September 17, 2002.
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