Good morning, my name is David
Sloane. I am President of the
American Vintners Association, a national trade association with over 650
wineries in 48 states. I want to
thank and commend the Subcommittee for holding this hearing to examine state
barriers to e-commerce, and whether such barriers serve rational policy
purposes, or amount to economic protectionism.
The number of wineries in the
United States has exploded in the past 25 years, rising from approximately 800
in 1975 to over 2,700 today. Indeed,
as an article in USA Today recently observed, wineries are now a part of
the rural farm economy in all 50 states. A
large percentage of this growth has occurred in just the past twelve years.
Since 1990, the industry has roughly doubled from 1,400 wineries to its
current number.
While California remains the
premier winegrowing state - comprising roughly half the nation's wineries
and over 90% of the production - there are high concentrations of wineries (in
rank order) in Washington, Oregon, New York, Ohio, Virginia, Pennsylvania,
Texas, Missouri, Colorado, New Mexico, Illinois and Michigan.
These states have a minimum of 30 wineries each, and the top three -
Washington, Oregon and New York - have more than 150 apiece.
States have played a major role
in encouraging this remarkable growth because wineries bring much-needed
investment capital, stable employment, and significant tourism to depressed
rural economies. In fact, for every
bottle of wine sold at a farm winery, there is an investment of approximately
$50 in land, development, equipment and working capital.
Suffice it to say, farm wineries are a living embodiment of the American
ideal of entrepreneurial craft spirit.
Mandatory Three-Tier Distribution System
Unfortunately, America's
wineries are also "poster children" for state impediments to e-commerce -
laws in this case - which do more to protect the economic interests of
in-state wholesalers than to further legitimate policy purposes, such as
preventing underage access or collecting taxes.
Following the repeal of
Prohibition in 1933, most states adopted a mandatory three-tier system of
distribution, requiring producers to sell only through wholesalers, who in turn
sell to retailers. This system
worked reasonably well until the 1980s, when consumer demand for "boutique"
wines began to gather momentum. Despite
changing consumer tastes, wholesalers have generally been unwilling to take on,
and properly service, smaller wineries with limited production capacity -
preferring to stick with national brands that generate substantial sales volume.
This requirement to sell
through wholesalers flies in the face of an obvious reality: Wholesalers do not
sell, or properly service, the products of smaller wineries.
There are too many labels nationwide - some 25,000 in total.
Even in a large and vigorous market like Illinois, only about 525
American brands are available - about 2 percent of the brands produced by U.S.
wineries. The three-tier system
just does not work for small wineries.
As the number of brands and
labels has proliferated, the challenge of securing wholesaler representation has
become a crisis for small, and even medium-sized, wineries.
This "market access" crisis is further exacerbated by the massive
consolidation that has occurred within the wholesale tier.
By some estimates, the number of wine and spirits wholesalers has
declined from a high of 5,000 in the 1950s to less than 400 today.
The Direct Shipping Alternative
To remedy the problem, wineries
have aggressively lobbied state legislatures to permit the interstate shipment
of wine to consumers - an alternative market mechanism that has gained
currency with the advent of e-commerce. The
most functional form of direct shipment legislation has been the
"reciprocal" shipment concept, which permits consumers to receive a small
quantity of wine each month from wineries in other states affording the same
reciprocal privilege to consumers within their own state.
Thirteen states have enacted
reciprocal shipment laws. Another
nine states have enacted "permit" laws, which, to varying degrees, also
facilitate the interstate shipment of wine to consumers.
However, it is worth noting that several of these laws - whether
because of permitting fees, burdensome paperwork requirements, or unwieldy
purchasing mechanisms - have not been utilized.
Indeed, a few such laws were drafted by wholesaler interests to placate
state legislatures that were being pressured by consumers to do something.
Additionally, a few states, and the District of Columbia, have made
regulatory allowances for small wine shipments.
Economic Protectionism
While wholesalers have been
unwilling to represent small wineries, they have been more than willing to
exercise their considerable economic and political clout in state capitals
across the country to oppose direct shipment, and to make it a crime.
Under the guise of "protecting citizens against the evils of
alcohol," they have won enactment of felony statutes in five states (Florida,
Georgia, Kentucky, Maryland and Tennessee), and misdemeanor statutes in another
18 states.
Indeed, as a direct consequence
of wholesaler lobby campaigns, more than half of the states - including
several with large populations - have effectively shut all but the top 100
wineries out of their markets by insisting that all products go through the
mandatory three-tier system.
These protectionist laws hurt
wineries, to say nothing of consumers, in many ways.
For example, they prevent wineries from selling and shipping wine to
visiting tourists from states that prohibit interstate shipment; from including
such consumers in their wine club offerings; and, from fulfilling gift orders to
consumers from such states.
Preventing underage access and
collecting taxes are the primary justifications for state prohibitions against
interstate wine sales. However,
experience in the 23 states that do permit interstate wine sales to
consumers reveals the transparency of these arguments.
In fact, with the exception of wholesaler-orchestrated stings, we are not
aware of any prosecutions involving the sale of wine to minors via the Internet.
Of course, the same cannot be said of the three-tier system, where
millions of sales to minors are consummated every year.
With respect to tax collection,
states which allow the interstate shipment of wine to consumers report no
appreciable decrease in excise tax revenues from lost wine sales.
In fact, a model law has been developed which protects both excise and
sales taxes by licensing out-of-state shippers, and requiring them to collect
and forward these taxes.
State statutes banning the
direct shipment of wine protect the pecuniary interests of politically powerful
in-state wholesalers, and raise an insurmountable barrier to the consummation of
commerce between willing consumers and out-of-state sellers.
This strange confluence is a product of raw local political power of
precisely the sort that the Constitution seeks to discourage:
"[Each State] would pursue a system of commercial policy peculiar to
itself. . States might endeavor to secure exclusive benefits to their own
citizens." (Federalist VII).
The contention that these
protectionist laws serve some legitimate policy purpose is merely a ruse,
designed to mask blatant local favoritism. Virtually every Federal judge that
has examined this conflict has concluded that less extensive and intrusive
mechanisms than the mandatory three-tier system could accomplish legitimate
state interests.
There is a need for a safety
valve, and that safety valve is to allow the limited direct shipment of wine to
consumers. The Supreme Court has
commented on the importance of a national marketplace for farmers and craftsmen:
"Our system,
fostered by the Commerce Clause, is that every farmer and every craftsman shall
be encouraged to produce by the certainty that he will have free access to every
market in the Nation.. Likewise,
every consumer may look to the free competition from every producing area in the
Nation to protect him from exploitation by any.
Such was the vision of the Founders; such has been the doctrine of this
Court which has given it reality." H.
P. Hood & Sons, Inc. v. Du Mond, 336 U. S. 525 (1949) [Cited
favorably in 1994 West Lynn Creamery].
Members of the American
Vintners Association are both farmers and craftsmen.
Congress Can and Should Act
Congress has a clear
constitutional role to play in developing ground rules and boundaries for when
and how states may interfere with interstate commerce - and because the
Internet greatly enhances the potential of remote commerce, it is imperative
that Congress act soon. State
barriers to online wine sales, and rigid adherence to the three-tier system are
impeding the successful development of the American wine industry, and the
significance of that economic activity for depressed rural economies.
In addition, these laws are raising the ire of consumers, who fail to
comprehend why they cannot order and take delivery of wine from their favorite
winery.
By statute, the Congress can
and should balance the public policy needs of the states with the basic and
fundamental right to a national marketplace embodied in the Commerce Clause.
In doing so, it can also provide important guidance to the courts.
In Central
Hudson Gas and Electric v. Public Service Commission, 447 U.S. 557 (1980),
the Supreme Court developed an excellent balancing test for a very similar
purpose that the Congress should consider as it looks to develop legislation to
eliminate unnecessary barriers to e-commerce.
The Central Hudson test requires: 1) the demonstration of a substantial
state interest; 2) a showing that the regulation or law in question directly
advances the governmental interest; and, 3) that the regulation or law is not
more extensive than necessary to serve the stated interest.
It can be argued that every
commercial regulation serves some legitimate policy concern or another.
To mitigate the special interest political power of local businesses and
to ensure that the concept of a national marketplace is not subverted or
unreasonably attenuated, Congress should provide clear statutory guidance.
Parochial state interests should not be allowed to supercede the national
interest of free and unfettered commerce among the states.
On behalf of America's small
"craft" wineries, I urge this Subcommittee to advance legislation to require
states to meet such a standard so that these businesses can be freed to serve
consumers without undue and unreasonable impediments.
Thank you.